For the scene that the western had not been specially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (ny, 1968).
For the characterization of this debate a few years later, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the Wild West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in certain means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence in the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice within the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For the interpretation associated with reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, American Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the global World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, together with ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, together with Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). For a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci, The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998). For a full research study of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings in the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. For a recently available evaluation of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck, The Lost area: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013). Feimster, Southern Horrors. This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and Culture in the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed for an interpretation of women and children in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to Style. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching and also the Privileges of Race within the American South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). rabbitscams.c Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching heritage, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly just Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory when you look at the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, plus the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free African Americans in the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us citizens within the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a artificial remedy for lynching in US history that includes conversation for the colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: A History of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association when it comes to development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in america. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially for the areas outside of the Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a national stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. From the Norwegian community’s collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating his family in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other types of collective physical violence in structural terms across worldwide countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (ny, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
For the argument that U.S. Lynching within the long century that is nineteenth prolific lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in Contemporary Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years throughout the diverse parts of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Hands that is own Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, as well as a reviewer that is anonymous their reviews on an early on form of this essay.